10 may 2020
Supporters of Benjamin Netanyahu protest in Tel Aviv against his indictment
In-depth: 'The PM's goal is to arrive in court after Mandelblit has been disgraced, as if he himself were a criminal,' says official in State Prosecutor's Office, as allies of the beleaguered prime minister rush to share what they say is evidence of the attorney general's own misdeeds
As Benjamin Netanyahu’s May 24 trial draws closer, the State Prosecutor's Office is acting on the assumption that supporters of the thrice-indicted prime minister will step up their attacks on Attorney General Avichai Mandelblit, mainly using social media to do so.
After the High Court (another target for Netanyahu's allies) ruled on Wednesday that the indicted prime minister can indeed form a government, his associates turned their gaze on the trial, which will take place at Jerusalem District Court.
“Netanyahu’s close associates will try to present the attorney general as the accused as opposed to the accuser,” said a senior official in the Prosecutor's Office.
“The prime minister’s goal is to arrive at court after Mandelblit has been disgraced, as if Mandelblit himself were a criminal,” added the official.
The aim, he said, is to show that during his stint as Chief Military Advocate General, Mandelblit "helped then-IDF chief of staff Gabi Ashkenazi during the Harpaz Affair. This narrative will depict Mandelblit as unworthy of leading the prosecution against Netanyahu.”
On Friday, Channel 13 news anchor Ayala Hasson said she had a recording made during the 2010 affair, in which a document claimed that Yoav Galant had been digging up dirt on his rivals in order to secure the position of IDF chief after Ashkenazi.
The document was actually a forgery produced by Boaz Harpaz, a former Military Intelligence officer and associate of Ashkenazi, in an effort to discredit Galant.
Galant was subsequently removed from consideration due to a separate scandal over his use of public land for private construction. Ashkenazi was ultimately replaced by Benny Gantz, who is now his political partner in Blue & White.
Mandelblit was later accused of hiding the fact that Ashkenazi had had the forged document in his possession, although the High Court subsequently ruled there had been no misconduct on his part.
According to Hasson, the recording is of a 2010 conversation between Mandelblit and Ashkenazi, and while its contents are under gag order she claims it is proof of Mandelblit's improper involvement in the affair.
“Mandelblit is done for,” wrote Netanyahu’s followers on Twitter following Hasson’s report. “Now is the time to insist that the shameful trial against Netanyahu is dropped.”
A video inciting against Mandelblit was also released on social networks, mainly shared by right-wing activists who oppose the legal proceedings against Netanyahu.
The video shows former police officials, journalists and jurists and a picture of Mandelblit, accompanied by the words: “He cannot run from the truth - it will bury him deep in the ground.”
The State Prosecutor's Office said that partial and biased information is being disseminated on social media in an attempt to skew the facts and shift focus to allegations against Mandelblit, rather than focusing on the charges brought against Netanyahu.
“Based on this, certain MKs and Likud ministers are calling on the attorney general to resign, “ the State Prosecutor's Office said.
Netanyahu's Likud party was quick to capitalize on Hasson's claims.
"This shows the parlous state of law enforcement in Israel," said Miri Regev, a Likud minister who has very close ties to the Netanyahu family.
“The time has come to reopen the Harpaz affair and see the investigation to its conclusion. It's time to shake up the law enforcement agencies and it's time for the law enforcement agencies to realize that they are not above the law."
Meanwhile, Justice Minister Amir Ohana, who will vacate his position with the swearing in of the new government, has made it clear he does not intend to go quietly and announced his plan to demand a through investigation of the State Prosecutor's Office.
“"If the state comptroller refrains from carrying out the investigation, I would consider setting up a government committee of inquiry to hold a comprehensive review of all the serious allegations," Ohana wrote on social media.
On Wednesday, the Knesset Permit Committee will convene for a new hearing of a request by the prime minister for permission to take a loan to finance his legal costs, which his legal team estimates at some NIS 10 million.
A few months ago, the committee approved Netanyahu's request for a NIS 2 million loan from American business tycoon Spencer Partridge, a close friend of Netanyahu.
In the coming days, Mandelblit must decide whether to recommend that the court to live broadcast the opening of the prime minister's trial, as requested by the media.
Mandelblit is expected to approve the request under two conditions: the consent of the defendants in the case, first and foremost by Netanyahu, and restrictions on sessions whose broadcast would impact on the trial.
In-depth: 'The PM's goal is to arrive in court after Mandelblit has been disgraced, as if he himself were a criminal,' says official in State Prosecutor's Office, as allies of the beleaguered prime minister rush to share what they say is evidence of the attorney general's own misdeeds
As Benjamin Netanyahu’s May 24 trial draws closer, the State Prosecutor's Office is acting on the assumption that supporters of the thrice-indicted prime minister will step up their attacks on Attorney General Avichai Mandelblit, mainly using social media to do so.
After the High Court (another target for Netanyahu's allies) ruled on Wednesday that the indicted prime minister can indeed form a government, his associates turned their gaze on the trial, which will take place at Jerusalem District Court.
“Netanyahu’s close associates will try to present the attorney general as the accused as opposed to the accuser,” said a senior official in the Prosecutor's Office.
“The prime minister’s goal is to arrive at court after Mandelblit has been disgraced, as if Mandelblit himself were a criminal,” added the official.
The aim, he said, is to show that during his stint as Chief Military Advocate General, Mandelblit "helped then-IDF chief of staff Gabi Ashkenazi during the Harpaz Affair. This narrative will depict Mandelblit as unworthy of leading the prosecution against Netanyahu.”
On Friday, Channel 13 news anchor Ayala Hasson said she had a recording made during the 2010 affair, in which a document claimed that Yoav Galant had been digging up dirt on his rivals in order to secure the position of IDF chief after Ashkenazi.
The document was actually a forgery produced by Boaz Harpaz, a former Military Intelligence officer and associate of Ashkenazi, in an effort to discredit Galant.
Galant was subsequently removed from consideration due to a separate scandal over his use of public land for private construction. Ashkenazi was ultimately replaced by Benny Gantz, who is now his political partner in Blue & White.
Mandelblit was later accused of hiding the fact that Ashkenazi had had the forged document in his possession, although the High Court subsequently ruled there had been no misconduct on his part.
According to Hasson, the recording is of a 2010 conversation between Mandelblit and Ashkenazi, and while its contents are under gag order she claims it is proof of Mandelblit's improper involvement in the affair.
“Mandelblit is done for,” wrote Netanyahu’s followers on Twitter following Hasson’s report. “Now is the time to insist that the shameful trial against Netanyahu is dropped.”
A video inciting against Mandelblit was also released on social networks, mainly shared by right-wing activists who oppose the legal proceedings against Netanyahu.
The video shows former police officials, journalists and jurists and a picture of Mandelblit, accompanied by the words: “He cannot run from the truth - it will bury him deep in the ground.”
The State Prosecutor's Office said that partial and biased information is being disseminated on social media in an attempt to skew the facts and shift focus to allegations against Mandelblit, rather than focusing on the charges brought against Netanyahu.
“Based on this, certain MKs and Likud ministers are calling on the attorney general to resign, “ the State Prosecutor's Office said.
Netanyahu's Likud party was quick to capitalize on Hasson's claims.
"This shows the parlous state of law enforcement in Israel," said Miri Regev, a Likud minister who has very close ties to the Netanyahu family.
“The time has come to reopen the Harpaz affair and see the investigation to its conclusion. It's time to shake up the law enforcement agencies and it's time for the law enforcement agencies to realize that they are not above the law."
Meanwhile, Justice Minister Amir Ohana, who will vacate his position with the swearing in of the new government, has made it clear he does not intend to go quietly and announced his plan to demand a through investigation of the State Prosecutor's Office.
“"If the state comptroller refrains from carrying out the investigation, I would consider setting up a government committee of inquiry to hold a comprehensive review of all the serious allegations," Ohana wrote on social media.
On Wednesday, the Knesset Permit Committee will convene for a new hearing of a request by the prime minister for permission to take a loan to finance his legal costs, which his legal team estimates at some NIS 10 million.
A few months ago, the committee approved Netanyahu's request for a NIS 2 million loan from American business tycoon Spencer Partridge, a close friend of Netanyahu.
In the coming days, Mandelblit must decide whether to recommend that the court to live broadcast the opening of the prime minister's trial, as requested by the media.
Mandelblit is expected to approve the request under two conditions: the consent of the defendants in the case, first and foremost by Netanyahu, and restrictions on sessions whose broadcast would impact on the trial.
8 may 2020
Now that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has secured a new term in office, there seems to be little to prevent him from annexing the Jordan Valley and large parts of the West Bank as early as this summer.
Prime Minister Netanyahu has a friendly ally in the White House and support in the new Knesset for his long-promised goal. An expected visit by U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo next week could provide the first indications of his intentions.
For now, Netanyahu appears set on moving forward. His new coalition agreement allows him to present an annexation proposal to the government as soon as July 1. In a speech last month, Netanyahu said he was confident he would be able to annex West Bank lands this summer, with support from the U.S.
The Palestinians claim the entire West Bank, captured by Israel from Jordan in the 1967 Six-Day War, as the heartland of an independent state. Annexing chunks of this territory would likely deal a death blow to faded Palestinian hopes of a two-state solution. Annexation also would anger the international community, which overwhelmingly supports Palestinian statehood.
Fear of harsh international censure might help explain why Netanyahu hasn't tried to annex territory in his years in power - even while boosting Jewish settlement expansion there.
Those calculations gradually changed after Donald Trump was elected U.S. president in 2016. Surrounded by a team of pro-settlement advisers, Trump delivered diplomatic gifts that Netanyahu never could have imagined under previous administrations.
Trump's Mideast plan envisions handing 30% of the West Bank, including Israel's dozens of settlements, to permanent Israeli control, while conditionally offering the Palestinians limited statehood - with Israel retaining overall security control - in the remaining territory. The Palestinians have rejected the plan, and it has received little international support.
After the plan's White House launch in January, Netanyahu said he would move ahead quickly with annexation plans, only to be reined in by the Trump administration, which said a joint committee should map out areas to be annexed.
With Netanyahu's new government expected to be sworn in next week, both sides appear ready to move forward.
U.S. Ambassador to Israel David Friedman told the Israeli newspaper Israel Hayom this week that the U.S. is ready to recognize annexation in the coming weeks if Israel so chooses.
Oded Revivi, a leader of the Yesha settlers' council, urged Netanyahu to take advantage of the narrow window of opportunity ahead of November's presidential election. The presumptive Democratic nominee, Joe Biden, is unlikely to support the initiative.
"I would like to see Israeli law being applied according to the Trump deal, in order to give it a chance," Revivi said.
Annexation would offer benefits to both sides. Netanyahu could solidify his hard-line legacy and shore up support with his nationalist base. It also would give Trump a welcome accomplishment to rally pro-Israel supporters, particularly among politically powerful evangelical voters.
Nonetheless, Netanyahu faces obstacles at home and abroad.
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, who oversees autonomous enclaves in the West Bank, has warned he would annul past agreements with Israel in response to annexation. This could mean the collapse of Israeli-Palestinian security cooperation, a relationship valued by Israel as an added layer of protection against attacks by terrorists.
Annexation could also trigger a fundamental shift in Palestinian aspirations - from setting up an independent state in parts of the Holy Land to struggling for equal rights and full citizenship in a single state between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean.
Such a bi-national state would conflict with Israel's founding ethos as a homeland for the Jewish people.
"Israel and the U.S. will take full responsibility for the consequences if the annexation decision is implemented," said Abbas spokesman Nabil Abu Rdeneh.
The European Union's foreign policy chief, Josep Borrell, last month said annexation would be a "serious violation" of international law and the EU will "act accordingly." Last week, 11 European ambassadors reportedly registered a diplomatic protest over the annexation plan.
Hugh Lovatt, a policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, said he expected the EU and its member states "to go beyond mere condemnations" if annexation takes place.
He said it will be difficult to take unanimous action because of differences within the 27-member bloc but that individual states, led by France, could take action on their own.
Israeli annexation would also jeopardize Israel's recent progress in normalizing ties with the Arab world, especially Persian Gulf states that have been open to Israeli overtures as they try to curb the influence of Iran, a regional power and shared foe.
At least publicly, though, Arab leaders lambasted annexation.
On Tuesday, the state-run Saudi Press Agency, reporting on a Cabinet meeting chaired by King Salman, said the kingdom "stood steadfast by the side of the Palestinian people."
Arab foreign ministers last week condemned Netanyahu's plan as a "new war crime" and urged the U.S. not to back it, saying it "undermines any chances for peace in the region."
The foreign ministers of Jordan and Egypt warned annexation would jeopardize Palestinian statehood. The two countries have peace deals and discreet security ties with Israel.
The Israeli coalition deal says the parties must take into account regional stability and existing peace agreements as they weigh annexation. That could lead Netanyahu's main partner, the centrist Blue & White party, to withhold its support.
On the other hand, far-right lawmakers, including members of the coalition, might ironically oppose annexation because they reject the Trump plan's support for a watered-down Palestinian state.
Yohanan Plesner, president of the Israel Democracy Institute, said that with so many potential obstacles, he believes Netanyahu hasn't made up his mind and might still call off annexation.
"It will very much depend on Mr. Netanyahu if he wants to raise it all," he said.
Prime Minister Netanyahu has a friendly ally in the White House and support in the new Knesset for his long-promised goal. An expected visit by U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo next week could provide the first indications of his intentions.
For now, Netanyahu appears set on moving forward. His new coalition agreement allows him to present an annexation proposal to the government as soon as July 1. In a speech last month, Netanyahu said he was confident he would be able to annex West Bank lands this summer, with support from the U.S.
The Palestinians claim the entire West Bank, captured by Israel from Jordan in the 1967 Six-Day War, as the heartland of an independent state. Annexing chunks of this territory would likely deal a death blow to faded Palestinian hopes of a two-state solution. Annexation also would anger the international community, which overwhelmingly supports Palestinian statehood.
Fear of harsh international censure might help explain why Netanyahu hasn't tried to annex territory in his years in power - even while boosting Jewish settlement expansion there.
Those calculations gradually changed after Donald Trump was elected U.S. president in 2016. Surrounded by a team of pro-settlement advisers, Trump delivered diplomatic gifts that Netanyahu never could have imagined under previous administrations.
Trump's Mideast plan envisions handing 30% of the West Bank, including Israel's dozens of settlements, to permanent Israeli control, while conditionally offering the Palestinians limited statehood - with Israel retaining overall security control - in the remaining territory. The Palestinians have rejected the plan, and it has received little international support.
After the plan's White House launch in January, Netanyahu said he would move ahead quickly with annexation plans, only to be reined in by the Trump administration, which said a joint committee should map out areas to be annexed.
With Netanyahu's new government expected to be sworn in next week, both sides appear ready to move forward.
U.S. Ambassador to Israel David Friedman told the Israeli newspaper Israel Hayom this week that the U.S. is ready to recognize annexation in the coming weeks if Israel so chooses.
Oded Revivi, a leader of the Yesha settlers' council, urged Netanyahu to take advantage of the narrow window of opportunity ahead of November's presidential election. The presumptive Democratic nominee, Joe Biden, is unlikely to support the initiative.
"I would like to see Israeli law being applied according to the Trump deal, in order to give it a chance," Revivi said.
Annexation would offer benefits to both sides. Netanyahu could solidify his hard-line legacy and shore up support with his nationalist base. It also would give Trump a welcome accomplishment to rally pro-Israel supporters, particularly among politically powerful evangelical voters.
Nonetheless, Netanyahu faces obstacles at home and abroad.
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, who oversees autonomous enclaves in the West Bank, has warned he would annul past agreements with Israel in response to annexation. This could mean the collapse of Israeli-Palestinian security cooperation, a relationship valued by Israel as an added layer of protection against attacks by terrorists.
Annexation could also trigger a fundamental shift in Palestinian aspirations - from setting up an independent state in parts of the Holy Land to struggling for equal rights and full citizenship in a single state between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean.
Such a bi-national state would conflict with Israel's founding ethos as a homeland for the Jewish people.
"Israel and the U.S. will take full responsibility for the consequences if the annexation decision is implemented," said Abbas spokesman Nabil Abu Rdeneh.
The European Union's foreign policy chief, Josep Borrell, last month said annexation would be a "serious violation" of international law and the EU will "act accordingly." Last week, 11 European ambassadors reportedly registered a diplomatic protest over the annexation plan.
Hugh Lovatt, a policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, said he expected the EU and its member states "to go beyond mere condemnations" if annexation takes place.
He said it will be difficult to take unanimous action because of differences within the 27-member bloc but that individual states, led by France, could take action on their own.
Israeli annexation would also jeopardize Israel's recent progress in normalizing ties with the Arab world, especially Persian Gulf states that have been open to Israeli overtures as they try to curb the influence of Iran, a regional power and shared foe.
At least publicly, though, Arab leaders lambasted annexation.
On Tuesday, the state-run Saudi Press Agency, reporting on a Cabinet meeting chaired by King Salman, said the kingdom "stood steadfast by the side of the Palestinian people."
Arab foreign ministers last week condemned Netanyahu's plan as a "new war crime" and urged the U.S. not to back it, saying it "undermines any chances for peace in the region."
The foreign ministers of Jordan and Egypt warned annexation would jeopardize Palestinian statehood. The two countries have peace deals and discreet security ties with Israel.
The Israeli coalition deal says the parties must take into account regional stability and existing peace agreements as they weigh annexation. That could lead Netanyahu's main partner, the centrist Blue & White party, to withhold its support.
On the other hand, far-right lawmakers, including members of the coalition, might ironically oppose annexation because they reject the Trump plan's support for a watered-down Palestinian state.
Yohanan Plesner, president of the Israel Democracy Institute, said that with so many potential obstacles, he believes Netanyahu hasn't made up his mind and might still call off annexation.
"It will very much depend on Mr. Netanyahu if he wants to raise it all," he said.
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